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Posts Tagged ‘ACOG’

Shake it up: Why we need research and activism to change maternity care

July 26th, 2010 by Amy Romano Amy Romano

Last week, I attended the Normal Labour & Birth International Research Conference in Vancouver, British Columbia. With over 250 attendees from 23 countries, the conference set out to disseminate research about the nature of and optimal care for physiologic labor and birth, and to garner multidisciplinary perspectives on the implications for clinical practice, perinatal outcomes, education, management, collaboration, and policy.

I went as an agent of data dissemination. My job: to use social media (blogs, Twitter) to help make sure the conference proceedings didn’t just rattle around the four walls of the conference hotel, but got out to those in the field working to improve maternity care wherever we each are.

And I have some research I want to write about – really interesting, important research from every discipline you could imagine. But I left the three-day meeting thinking more about the (broken) link between evidence and practice than about any of the new, emerging evidence. I’ll get to the new research over the coming weeks, but first, a look at two stories that dominated the conference.

#1: Home birth on the defensive?

The plenary session by Dutch physician and epidemiologist, Simone Buitendijk, might have highlighted the unique model of midwife-led primary care geared toward planned home birth for low-risk women – a model that many birth advocates and researchers look to as a beacon of hope and reason. Buitendijk herself was co-author of the definitive study of planned home birth safety, a population-based study of over half a million births that found planned midwife-attended home birth as safe as planned midwife-attended hospital birth. And a Cochrane systematic review that came out around the same time as the Dutch home birth study provided definitive evidence that midwife-led care is superior to physician-led or shared models of care. So the Dutch have gotten it right, right? Time to celebrate and emulate? No, instead of a plenary about Dutch primary maternity care as a model to emulate, Buitendijk’s talk was a sobering call to action.

Trouble in paradise

According to Buitendijk, in spite of this evidence (or perhaps in direct response to this evidence?) a well-coordinated media campaign in the Netherlands over the past year has emphasized the dangers of home birth, pointing to an entirely different body of evidence: comparative data showing that Dutch perinatal mortality rates are higher than those in other European countries. Although only about 30 of the 1700 Dutch perinatal deaths occurred at home, and perinatal mortality at the population level is affected far more by incidence and management of preterm birth and congenital anomalies than by the labor and birth care of low-risk women with term pregnancies, the Dutch mass media have made this a story about midwifery care and home birth. The result: the rate of home birth has dipped below 25% for the first time in Dutch history.

Instilling fear in women

#2 VBAC is Back?

Eugene Declercq, who gives – hands down – the world’s most engaging and fun lectures about perinatal statistics, had the pleasure of making an 11th hour revision to his plenary talk on vaginal birth after cesarean (VBAC) thanks to ACOG, who released their new VBAC practice guidelines at 5pm the day prior. (Hat tip to yours truly for tipping him off about the new guidelines. I even got written into his plenary remarks, as the young woman with whom he had a “stimulating conversation” that led him to “stay up all night.” Har har, Gene!)

Anyway, we see in Declercq’s talk the familiar story of how VBAC rates increased briefly then plummeted in the early 2000’s as a result of new research on uterine rupture and, more precisely, an editorial by the ob-gyn editor for the New England Journal of Medicine saying that planned repeat cesarean is “unequivocally” safer than planned VBAC.

NEJM editorial

Research driving practice! That is, if the research (or overzealous interpretations of it) supports restricting practice.

Where’s the up-tick in VBAC rates when the Cochrane systematic review was published in 2004 concluding that “Planned elective repeat caesarean section and planned vaginal birth after caesarean section for women with a prior caesarean birth are both associated with benefits and harms?” The up-tick isn’t there because by then research wasn’t driving practice – ACOG guidelines calling for “immediately available” emergency obstetric care in VBAC labors were driving practice. And it wasn’t the NIH Consensus Development Conference on VBAC or the massive AHRQ systematic review underpinning the conference (i.e., evidence) that have been heralded as the beginning of the end of hospital “VBAC bans,” it’s ACOG’s (somewhat noncommittal) move away from the “immediately available” standard.

Evidence is not driving practice. Between evidence and practice there lives some kind of cocktail of power, money, activism, media, influence and serendipity (and preservatives). The relative strength of the ingredients dictates how practices evolve. Keeping with the cocktail metaphor, the VBAC plenary ended with an invitation to consumers and our advocates to shake things up – activism being the best hope for ACOG’s new guidelines to be used to drive meaningful change for the many, many childbearing women in the United States with scarred uteruses.

This all reminds me of a third plenary talk at the Normal Birth Conference – Patti Janssen’s lecture, Transforming Research into Policy: Ingredients of Influence, in which she quotes social scientist, Martin Rein.

Science does contribute

It also reminds me of Kay Dickerson of the Cochrane Collaboration who said, “We are only to get evidence-based healthcare in this country through consumer activism.”

More on Janssen’s plenary, and updates on the research, coming soon.

Amy Romano Uncategorized , , , , ,

Some thoughts on practice guidelines and VBAC as a “vital option”

March 3rd, 2010 by Amy Romano Amy Romano

VBACNext week, scientists, policy experts, and advocates will come together for the National Institutes of Health Consensus Development Conference on Vaginal Birth after Cesarean (VBAC). A panel will spend three days reviewing the evidence and hearing public testimony. On Wednesday they’ll announce their findings in a press telebriefing.

The NIH isn’t calling their findings “practice guidelines,” but they’re very likely to be taken as such. I’ll admit: the concept of guidelines, at least as they are developed and used in the United States, is a little troubling to me. On the one hand, guidelines can represent, as the Institute of Medicine suggests, “a move away from unexamined reliance on professional judgment toward more structured support and accountability for such judgment.” But what about their limitations?

Guidelines are seen by the public and by health professionals as objective and scientific, but:

Experts often look at the same body of evidence and come up with different conclusions.

  • Chauhan and colleagues have demonstrated significant variation across national guidelines in management of shoulder dystocia and intrauterine growth restriction. In other words, the American Congress of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (ACOG) doesn’t agree with its counterparts in other countries about how these conditions should be diagnosed and treated.
  • A study in the current issue of Birth compared VBAC guidelines from six countries and found little agreement not just on practice and management issues, but on the data itself: they found a four-fold variation in the reported upper-end risk of uterine rupture, as well as significant variation in the reported likelihood of vaginal birth in a VBAC labor.
  • In 2008, ACOG reversed its position on the safety of expectant management of prelabor rupture of membranes, without citing any new evidence at all (and despite the publication of new evidence that, if anything, strengthens the argument for expectant management.)

Often, experts aren’t even looking at the same body of evidence.

  • In the comparative study of national VBAC guidelines, 22 individual references were cited for uterine rupture, none of which appeared in all six guidelines. Only two studies were cited in three of the national guidelines and an additional 5 studies were cited in two national guidelines.
  • In the shoulder dystocia review only half of eligible references were cited in both of the national guidelines the researchers analyzed.
  • In the review of intrauterine growth restriction, only 12% of references were cited in both national guidelines.
  • Guideline authors rarely if ever include a rationale for why they included the studies they included and excluded others.

The evidence they are looking at is often limited or flawed.

Even when guidelines are evidence-based, they’re often ignored.

  • When ACOG issued new guidelines about fetal heart rate monitoring in labor last year, blogs and Twitter went nuts with the news that they had finally admitted that intermittent auscultation is safe and effective, and that continuous electronic fetal monitoring doesn’t live up to its many promises.  I pointed out at Our Bodies, Our Blog that ACOG hadn’t changed a single word of its guidelines with respect to intermittent auscultation and the limitations of EFM; it’s just that their recommendations had been ignored. (No surprise: they’re still being ignored.)

And then there’s the not-so-small issue that guidelines suggest that a “one size fits all” approach will translate into the best care for everyone, which anyone who takes care of patients or has been a patient recognizes is flat-out false. We all have different reasons for making the health choices we do. An individual’s informed consent or refusal can and should trump guidelines, but in practice, guidelines dictate practice and policy for all women. Case in point: the last time ACOG issued VBAC guidelines, hospitals and care providers began banning vaginal birth outright in women with prior cesarean surgery. The VBAC rate in this country plummeted virtually overnight.

The International Cesarean Awareness Network is hosting a blog carnival on the theme, “Why is VBAC a Vital Option?” I suspect we’re going to hear a huge range of responses, along with some stories of the astounding lengths some women have gone to in order to ensure that VBAC remained a viable option for them. Not every woman goes to these lengths – plenty of women are perfectly happy to have repeat cesareans and would make that choice even if VBAC was offered and supported – but these stories underscore the fact that blanket guidelines will not apply to every woman everywhere.

Despite all of this, I’m actually rather optimistic about the NIH VBAC Conference. In my mind, the situation around VBAC has gotten so bad in this country that a fresh look at the issues and the evidence can only help matters. Plus, the meeting comes on the heels of major recommendations for maternity care reform and the conference findings are likely to echo and lend credence to many of these. Judith Rooks shares six more reasons we should be optimistic about the upcoming meeting. And last but not least, there is a huge consumer contingent planning to have their voices heard at this conference either in person or by webcast, and many of them are connected via social networks to a far greater number of consumers. You can hear me and Lamaze President-Elect Debra Bingham on The Feminist Breeder’s Blog Talk Radio Show on Monday, recapping Day One of the proceedings.

Amy Romano Uncategorized , , , ,

A Case of Statistical Malpractice? Predicting the Risk of Uterine Rupture

December 12th, 2009 by Amy Romano Amy Romano

‘Tis the season for the Society for Maternal-Fetal Medicine to publish the abstracts for their forthcoming annual meeting. Every year around this time I receive the gift of an electronic Table of Contents alert for the Supplement to the American Journal of Obstetrics and Gynecology that lists conference sessions.  MFM doctors do interesting research, and their conference, which I have never attended, always has several sessions that look fantastic along with others that make me cringe (like a recent year’s session plugging this “exciting innovation“).

Nestled among the 800+ abstracts was one that I would put in the cringeworthy column, not for the focus of the research but for the complete mismatch between the reported findings and the researchers’ conclusions. [Emphasis mine]

Frequent epidural dosing is a marker for impeding uterine rupture in patients attempting vaginal birth after cesarean (VBAC)

Alison Cahill, Anthony Odibo, Jenifer Allsworth and George Macones
Washington University in St. Louis, St. Louis, Missouri

Objective
To estimate the association between epidural dosing and risk of uterine rupture in women attempting VBAC.

Study Design
A nested case-control study within a multicenter retrospective cohort of >25, 000 women with a prior cesarean was performed, comparing cases of uterine rupture to women without rupture (controls) while attempting VBAC. Extensive data extraction included all medications in 15-minute increments. In women who attempted VBAC with an epidural anesthetic, dose timing, frequency, and quantity were compared between cases and controls. Time-to-event analyses were performed to estimate the association between epidural dosing and risk for uterine rupture while accounting for duration of labor and confounding effects.

Results
Of 804 women in the nested case-control study; 504 (62.7%) had an epidural, with no statistical difference in epidural usage rates between cases and controls (70.4% v. 62.4%, p=0.09). Women who experienced uterine rupture were > 4 times more likely to require epidural dosing in the 60 minutes prior to delivery (aOR 4.1, 2.4 – 6.7, p <0.01). Cox-regression analysis revealed a dose-response relationship between number of doses in the final 90 minutes of labor and risk of rupture, after adjusting for prior vaginal delivery, and oxytocin exposure.

Conclusion
Clinical suspicion for uterine rupture should be high in women requiring frequent epidural dosing during a VBAC trial.

What’s the problem here?  This is a classic example of reporting the “hazard ratio” (e.g., “4 times more likely”) in lieu of the more appropriate statistics, which in this case would be the “positive predictive value”. It is indeed noteworthy that women destined to experience uterine ruptures self-administer more anesthesia in the minutes prior to the event, but should “clinical suspicion be high” every time a woman in a VBAC labor pushes the epidural button frequently? At least from the data reported in the abstract, the answer is: we have no idea.

To get an answer we need much more data. Specifically, we need to know:

  • how many women pushed the epidural button frequently
  • how many of them had a uterine scar rupture
  • how many women did not push the button frequently
  • how many of them had a uterine scar rupture

These data would help us calculate the sensitivity and specificity of epidural dosing in predicting uterine scar rupture, which in turn tell us the likelihood of a “false positive” (a woman requests frequent doses of epidural but does not have a scar rupture) and a “false negative” (a woman doesn’t request frequent epidural dosing but does have a scar rupture).

Sensitivity and specificity are especially important in predicting something that occurs rarely, such as uterine scar rupture in a VBAC labor. Reporting that something is “4 times more likely” could still be a small risk in absolute terms, if the baseline risk is low. In the case of VBAC, this kind of reporting could in fact be hazardous, because it is likely that many women and even many obstetricians overestimate the baseline risk of uterine scar rupture and of rupture-related morbidity and mortality.  So quadrupling it would falsely elevate risks even further. Let’s take for example statistics put forth by a spokesperson for the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists. In a letter to a mother who appealed to the College to make VBAC more accessible, he notoriously overestimated the risks.

In two percent of [VBAC labors] the result can be a rupture of the old scar. If this happens, then death of the baby is almost certain and death of the mother is probable. Even if the mother does not die, virtually 100% will lose their child bearing ability.

In this scenario, anything associated with a 4-fold increase in uterine rupture would result in 6 additional babies dying plus 6 additional mothers dying or needing hysterectomies for every 100 VBAC labors. Looking at these data, it’s easy to justify doing a cesarean when the woman begins asking for epidural top-ups even if top-up requests have a low predictive value.

But the uterine scar rupture rate is in fact 0.5-1%, and in only about 5% of ruptures is the baby likely to die. Maternal mortality is rarer still, and the likelihood of either maternal mortality or hysterectomy is actually higher with repeat cesarean surgery than it is with planned VBAC. Quadrupling these risks might result in 15 excess fetal/newborn deaths per 10,000 VBAC labors. This may still seem to be an unacceptable risk, but it’s nothing close to 6 per 100. In this scenario, it’s a little more difficult to justify going straight to a cesarean for every woman requesting more anesthesia.

I’ll give the researchers the benefit of the doubt. It is clear that they understand the distinction between relative risk and predictive value, since they’ve published papers on the topic before that appropriately concluded that obstetric variables poorly predict the likelihood of scar rupture. They may also have been severely limited by journal space constraints in preparing their abstract for publication. But I’ll call “statistical malpractice” on them for publishing a conclusion that suggests that the predictive value is high without providing any data to support it.

FYI, this topic should be familiar to anyone listening to the news lately, as false positive are at the crux of the debate about the new mammography guidelines. The New York Times ran a piece explaining concepts of risk and predictive value just last week, with the decidedly unsexy title, Mammogram Math. It’s a  great read for anyone who wants to know more about interpreting statistics about risk.

Amy Romano Uncategorized , , ,

What SUVs Can Teach Us About Maternity Care

December 6th, 2009 by Amy Romano Amy Romano

Twice last week, analogies between sport utility vehicles (SUVs) and the organization of our maternity care system came up in blog comment discussions. In a spirited discussion between Katharine Hikel and AcademicObgyn.com’s Nicholas Fogelson on Hikel’s post, Disputed Territory, she proposed, “maybe it’s time to change from the SUV model to the compact hybrid…The ACOG hospital model is neither sustainable nor affordable.” In a thoughtful post about military terminology and philosophy in healthcare at e-Patients.net, again conversation turned to the American enhusiasm for SUVs.

Henci Goer and I decided it would be fun to share a sneak peak excerpt of our book, Obstetric Myths versus Research Realities, 2nd edition, due out late next year. With apologies to those who drive SUVs, here it is…

What SUVs Can Teach Us about Maternity Care
Excerpt from Goer, H. & Romano, A. (In Press)
Obstetric Myths versus Research Realities, 2nd Edition, The University of Michigan Press: Ann Arbor, MI.

A recent advertising campaign for a large sport utility vehicle (SUV) offers an excellent analogy to conventional thinking in maternity care. Parallel to the “just in case” approach of obstetric management, the ads acknowledge that the average SUV driver will hardly ever need the heft and power of an SUV, but the “one percent” chance of being caught in a blizzard or hurricane means the driver would be wise to own a vehicle that can safely navigate treacherous conditions. The SUV, the ads declare, is “built for the one percent.” Let us see how the flaws in this argument translate to maternity care.

SUV creative commons1

  • The technology that makes an SUV superior in severe adverse driving conditions provides no benefit to the driver 99% of the time because severe adverse driving conditions are rare. Likewise, the technology that can improve outcomes in very problematic pregnancies provides no benefit to most women and babies most of the time because these conditions are rare.
  • Most SUV drivers live in temperate climates, where the likelihood of a blizzard or similar natural disaster on any given day is extremely low. Likewise, most pregnant women are healthy and at low risk of experiencing a “natural disaster” during childbirth.
  • The driving conditions in which an SUV offers an advantage are usually predictable. Blizzards and hurricanes, for example, rarely take a driver completely by surprise. Likewise, we can often predict which women will develop complications in pregnancy or birth. Most pregnancy and labor complications develop slowly, giving plenty of time to avert them or access the resources needed to safely manage them.
  • Individuals and society as a whole expend resources to build, fuel, and maintain SUVs and to accommodate them on our roadways despite the fact that most people could drive smaller cars most of the time and be equally well off—or better off. Likewise, technology-intensive obstetric management is extremely costly and requires specialized staff resources and physical infrastructure to support it, despite the fact that a lower-technology approach with access to technology when it is indicated provides equivalent or better outcomes.
  • Although the SUV’s bigger size and greater weight offer some protection when collisions occur, these same characteristics make them more prone to accidents. The weight of the vehicle makes it more difficult to brake to avoid collisions and the higher center of gravity is responsible for more rollovers. The net effect is that SUVs may actually be more likely than smaller cars to be involved in serious or fatal accidents to drivers or passengers. Likewise, obstetric interventions can be beneficial in some circumstances, but their use frequently results in iatrogenic harm. The net effect is that women and infants often fare worse than if they had not been exposed to the intervention in the first place.
  • Some people choose an SUV because they genuinely need one for the road conditions under which they do most of their driving. In these cases, an SUV makes sense. Likewise, women who have medical problems or are likely to develop pregnancy or labor complications will benefit from intensified use of obstetric technology. These women are likely to seek out specialist care.
  • Although we can measure the degree to which weather or traffic conditions are poor and accidents more likely, this information cannot tell us which cars are destined to get into accidents or whether any individual accident will be minor or major. Similarly, screening tests (e.g., fetal surveillance, electronic fetal monitoring) and prenatal risk or candidacy for VBAC scoring systems have poor predictive value and lead obstetricians to over treat. They also fail to distinguish problems where intervention can help from problems where it cannot.
  • Most accidents are fender-benders that cause no more than minor harm no matter what kind of vehicle is involved. Likewise, most complications in pregnancy and birth are minor and will not result in any serious or long-term harm to mother or baby no matter what kind of care they receive.
  • Some accidents will cause major injury or death no matter what kind of vehicle is being driven. Likewise, some babies and even some mothers will suffer severe morbidity or die no matter what kind of care they receive. Even in the best-equipped hospitals with superbly qualified staff, in some cases, nothing can be done to prevent the worst from happening.

Midwives Deliver bumper sticker2

Amy Romano Uncategorized , , ,

Disputed Territory: A doctor reviews “Birth Territory and Midwifery Guardianship: Theory for practice, education, and research”

November 16th, 2009 by Katharine Hikel Katharine Hikel

This is a guest contribution from Katharine Hikel, MD. Dr. Hikel is a writer on women’s health for Medscape/WebMD. Peer-trained in feminist women’s health clinics, she is also a graduate of Harvard and the University of Vermont College of Medicine. She lives in northern Vermont with her family.

Birth TerritoryReview:
Birth Territory and Midwifery Guardianship: Theory for practice, education, and research
.
Edited by Kathleen Fahy, Maralyn Foureur, Carolyn Hastie.
Butterworth Heinemann (Elsivier): Books for Midwives. 2008

The next vital revolution in maternity care may well be the overhaul and redesign of the birthplace. In “Birth Territory and Midwifery Guardianship,” writers describe the relationship of the birth setting to the emotional-physiological state of laboring women.  In this regard, ‘Birth Territory’ encompasses not only physical space, but also personal relationships, power structures, and access to knowledge.

Maternity care as we know it has evolved along divergent roads: the midwifery, expectant-management ‘natural’ approach; and the obstetric, interventive, ‘actively-managed’  model.  Midwifery care is a woman-centered approach; it relies on relationships which support women’s natural abilities to give birth. The obstetric model, designed by and for doctors, operates on  principles of academic exclusiveness, described by Louis Menand:

It is a self-governing and largely closed community of practitioners who have an almost absolute power to determine the standards for entry, promotion, and dismissal in their fields. The discipline relies on the principle of disinterestedness, according to which the production of new knowledge is regulated by measuring it against existing scholarship through a process of peer review, rather than by the extent to which it meets the needs of interests external to the field…

[T]he most important function of the system is not the production of knowledge. It is the reproduction of the system. To put it another way, the most important function of the system, both for purposes of its continued survival and for purposes of controlling the market for its products, is the production of the producers

Academic obstetrics is impervious to knowledge and input from other disciplines; it exists in a closed, parallel world; it exists not for the purpose of taking care of women, but for the purpose of taking care of itself. The chief concern of any obstetrical unit is the viability of the department, of the program; if outcomes figure into that, well and good; but women’s actual experiences and opinions, because they are not part of the published literature, are of no concern.  Small wonder, then, that so little thought has been given to the environment of hospital birth, other than for the convenience of hospital practitioners.

Meanwhile, midwives have continually concerned themselves with what the authors of Birth Territory and Midwifery Guardianship call ‘the elements in the geography, architecture, and metaphysics of birth spaces to which women will consciously and unconsciously respond.’

In their book, the writers – midwives, and an architect of birth spaces – asked women what they wanted in their birthing places. Responses included:

  • A pleasant place to walk
  • Sufficient pillows, floor mats, bean bags
  • Availability of snacks and drinks
  • En suite toilet, shower, bath; a birth pool
  • Comfortable accommodations for companions and families
  • A homey, non-clinical environment
  • Control over temperature
  • Control over brightness of light
  • Privacy; not being overheard by others
  • Not being watched
  • Control over who comes into the room

The majority of birthing women surveyed did not have these options. The authors argue that lack of a woman-centered birthing environment, and little control over that environment, are reasons for high rates of obstetric intervention. Labor and birth are whole-being experiences; the autonomic nervous system will shut the whole process down if the woman perceives stress, threat, or danger.  In typical hospital settings, with shift changes, strangers walking in and out, bright lights, confinement to bed and monitor, and restricted oral intake, it is no wonder that the process doesn’t go as smoothly as it could. “Failure to progress” – the diagnostic reason given for 50% or more cesareans – is largely an environmental issue.

Katharine Hikel, MD

Katharine Hikel, MD

Birth territory is also defined by relationships; yet medical obstetrics has constantly worked to sequester birthing women away from all sources of comfort, including non-medical practitioners; only in the 1960s were fathers and partners invited into hospital delivery rooms; and only lately, with the advent of doula practices, has one-to-one attendance – the cornerstone of midwifery – become recognized as a significant predictor of good outcome.  But few hospital practices are relationship-centered. Prenatal visits are fifteen or twenty minutes long, mainly focused on weight gain and lab work. There’s usually a team of doctors and midwives; the person who’s available at the time of one’s birth is not a matter of preference, but of the practice’s call schedule.

Obstetrics is statistics-based, not relationship-based; obstetricians know that the average due date is 40 weeks from the last menstrual period; they know that if a woman is laboring (in a hospital) with waters broken for over 12 hours, her chance of infection skyrockets; they know that the Friedman labor curve shows that the average progression of dilation is one centimeter per hour; they know that the average pushing phase is under two hours. They are under pressure to make everyone fit those statistical norms, and they have the tools to make it so; and that’s what they do.

The best birth territory requires the best attendants. Fahy and her coauthors argue that birth is a reflection of relationships – with oneself, and with others; that relationships depend on love, and spiritual development (words you will never see in any obstetrical textbook).  In developing the best birth attendants, they see open-heartedness as a requirement for good practice; they describe the characteristics of a good practitioner in Buddhist terms of ‘right relationship’: empathy; ethical behavior; self-awareness; capacity for love. In a chapter called “Reclaiming the sacred in birth,” they describe the conditions for nurturing ideal midwives: ‘to know and nurture themselves within their own families and communities,’ and emphasizes working on personal development, as well as clinical skills, with a supervisor or professional partner. The training environment of midwives should encourage the development of nurturing and intimate, though professional, relationships with her clients; it is that relationship that forms a necessary part of optimal birth territory.

The territory of obstetrics residents is largely devoid of patient-relationship considerations; it is rather consumed with concerns about on-call hours, clinical rotations, numbers of procedures, and one’s place in the departmental hierarchy. The knowledge itself is based in pathology – ‘problem-oriented’ – a diagnostic/treatment approach that assumes there’s trouble, and goes about finding it. This works well in the rest of medicine, which is really about disease; but colors the teaching approach to the normal, healthy event of childbirth.  The knowledge that’s important – taught and practiced – is all within the limits of academic obstetrics, which ignores, if not devalues, ‘nonscientific’ knowledge. The ‘permitted’ knowledge supports what the authors call the ‘metanarrative’ of academic medicine: the postmodern myth that the safest and best place to give birth is under obstetric management. Any knowledge that counters that myth is disputed or ignored.

The history of obstetrics is also viewed differently from within the specialty than without. The obstetricians’ view, reproduced in most obstetrical textbooks, is the development of one intervention after another, all by men – from forceps to vacuum extractions. The authors present a larger-scale view:

Medicine in the late 19th and early 20th centuries was composed almost entirely of men who shared the same power base as other dominant males: they were white, well-educated and from economically richer families. It was these males who owned or managed every institution of society: the army, the church, the law, the newspapers, the government, etc. These privileges, combined with an informal brotherhood of dominant men, created a powerful base for the success of the medical campaign to subordinate midwifery.

The authors describe the territory of hospital birth as disputed ground, where the biological requirements of birthing women are at odds with the design of institutions.  They provide ample evidence about how the dominance of obstetricians’ needs over women’s welfare has contaminated the culture of birth. In a wonderful section on oxytocin – the hormone of love, bonding, social interaction, birth, and lactation – they describe the effects of this natural hormone:

[T]he higher the level of Oxytocin, the more calm and social the mother; thereby stress is reduced; levels of the stress hormone cortisol drop; pain threshold is increased…  body temperature is regulated… and heart rate and blood pressure are lowered… Women’s response to stess may not be the automatic ‘fight or flight’ response seen in men, but is more likely to be the ‘calm and connection’ system integrated by Oxytocin.

These oxytocin-mediated events are most necessary during labor and birth; they are best enabled if the birth territory includes oxytocin-positive relationships.  Oxytocin is thought to be the source of women’s power to endure labor and birth; and its pathways are the most likely to be deranged by the institutional birth environment – the lack of oxytocin-facilitating relationships of trust and love, as well as the routine administration of oxytocin-blocking drugs such as epidurals and Pitocin – a form of artificial oxytocin that has never been proven safe in long-term outcome studies. Blocking oxytocin, whether through fear, disturbance, or Pitocin, leads to disrupted or painfully difficult labors.  These authors suggest that disruption of normal oxytocin pathways, and supplanting them with intrapartum Pitocin exposure, may also result in serious mental health problems on the love-and-relationship axis: schizophrenia, autism, drug dependency, suicidal tendencies, and antisocial criminal disorders. It’s not just the mother who’s affected by the birth territory.

But what is the best birth environment?  In a chapter called “Mindbodyspririt architecture: Creating birth space,” architect Bianca Lepori describes her designs for hospital-based birth rooms that are meant to enhance, not counteract, women’s abilities to give birth. She created suites of rooms with “Space and freedom to move; to be able to move to the dance of labor; to respond to the inner movements of the baby; to walk, kneel, stretch, lie down, lean, squat, stand, and be still.” The rooms have “Soft and yielding surfaces; or firm and supportive surfaces; different textures; the right temperature; soft curves; darkness or dim light.” A birthing woman can be ‘immersed in water, flowing or still; respected, safe, protected, and loved.”  Access to the suite is through an antechamber; the bed is farthest away from the lockable door, and not visible from it, so that privacy is respected.

Lepori’s birth architecture reproduces the comforts of home. There is access to the outdoors, and private walking places. There are birth stools, exercise balls, bean bags, hooks for hammocks or ropes for stretching. Tubs and beds are large and accessible from both sides. There are accommodations for families. There are comfortable chairs for nursing. Medical equipment – supplies, oxygen – is tucked behind a screen or put in a closet. A refrigerator and light cooking equipment is available. This ‘birth territory’ certainly outshines the typical hospital OB floor; though it begs the question: Why not just stay home?

The answer, of course, is that, for those four to ten percent of births that truly need intervention, the OR is right there. It’s better not to have to transport a woman whose labor has turned complicated; it makes sense – for many – to have all the birth territory under one roof.

This birthing-suite design indeed takes into account the all-encompassing, body-mind-spirit event of childbirth. It honors laboring, birthing women and families; it respects the process. It worked well for a designated maternity hospital in New Zealand – a facility already designed for childbearing. But most US hospitals are multi-use facilities; and though obstetrics is among the best money-makers for hospitals, childbirth is the only event that occurs there that is not related to illness or trauma.

The real question is, why not remove birth completely from the pathology-centered hospital model? Why not redesign birth territory to maximize best outcomes, minimize intervention, and replace the present medicalized view of birth as a disaster waiting to happen with the more normative, expectant-management, midwifery view? Move the whole shebang, from the waiting room to the surgical suite, out of the hospital and back into the community where it belongs.

Why not indeed. The major obstacle to any redesign of the territory of birth is resistance from the field of obstetrics. The American Congress of Obstetricians and Gynecologists (which recently changed its name from the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists, reflecting a major shift in interest from academics to politics) has a 23-member lobbying arm, “OB-GYNS for Women’s Health PAC”, which describes itself on its web site:

Ob-Gyns for Women’s Health and Ob-Gyn PAC help elect individuals to the U.S. House of Representatives and Senate who support us on our most important issues. Individuals who understand the importance of our work, who care about the future of our specialty, who listen to our concerns, and who vote our way. In only a few short years, Ob-Gyn PAC has helped elect ob-gyns and other physicians to the U.S. Congress, and has become one of the largest and most influential physician PACs in America.

Only five of the 23 members are women; all ten of its board of directors are men. Current issues occupying the group are “Stopping Medicare payment cuts, ensuring performance measures work for our specialty, preserving in-office ultrasounds” (though there are still no long-term studies on the effects of ultrasound on the developing fetus, or on women, for that matter); and “winning medical liability reform,” which means limiting liability for malpractice.
Meanwhile,  the Medicaid Birth Center Reimbursement Act – Senate Bill #S.1423 (House Bill HR 2358) – is not on the list of bills that ACOG supports, even though this expansion of birth territory would probably better outcomes, and certainly cost less than the hospital OB model.

The only bad thing about “Birth Territory and Midwifery Guardianship” is that obstetricians will not read it.

Katharine Hikel Uncategorized , , , , , , , ,